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True successors of Gandhi-Nehru

GOPALKRISHNA GANDHI|Gandhiana|17 November 2015

Recounting the personal history of Jawaharlal Nehru is not enough. He is better celebrated by taking forward his vision of swaraj

Jawaharlal Nehru’s birth anniversary gives all those who believe in the swaraj that Gandhi and Nehru took forward from their predecessors and alternatives, an opportunity to recall and revitalise swaraj’s pledges.

If Gandhi had had a daughter — just one — in addition to his four sons and Nehru a son — just one — in addition to his daughter, would those two men have been any different? I cannot say they would have been but certainly, life around would have been different, very different.

Daughters are said to be very close to their fathers. Not discounting that belief, I think, in that daughter Kasturba Gandhi would have had an understanding ally. Prabha, as I might name that imaginary daughter, would have far more effectively, than her mother, been a bridge between the father and his rebellious son Harilal, a much-needed wall between her father and the many inconsiderate disciples who took up an inordinate amount of his time, seeking advice on utterly trivial matters; would have, I think, persuaded him against at least half a dozen of his fasts and above all, put her foot down against his experiments in brahmacharya. Would Prabha have entered her father’s political programmes — in other words, politics? I doubt it. I think she would have laughed off the suggestion. Would she have had an “arranged” marriage? Again, I think not. Having been dissuaded by her father from an early marriage, I think she would have found her own man in someone like Jayaprakash Narayan or Ram Manohar Lohia.

An only daughter of Gandhi, surviving him by many years, decades perhaps, she would have been a figure to reckon with.

Sons of the famous and the powerful are known to be anti-climactically boring. Not devaluing that notion, I think in that son Jawaharlal Nehru would have faced his biggest challenge. If, in keeping with family tradition, the son had to have “lal” ending his name, he could have been named Hiralal. If older than Indira, he would have been seen as Jawaharlal’s natural heir and successor in all that the father was doing. Would he have had it in him to be and to do that? Who can tell? He would most definitely have joined politics and would have exercised a large measure of influence on the father, encouraging him to be closer to the Mahatma and less to theoretical influences from the history of other lands. I believe he would have been an open idealist, not the inscrutable pragmatist that his sister became. He would have been something of a Dara Shikoh to the Shah Jahan in his father. He would have married, of course, a flaming revolutionary, I think, a younger version of Aruna Asaf Ali or Kalpana Joshi.

An only son of Nehru, surviving him he may have been expected to become prime minister but, I would like to imagine, he would have spurned that allure to be the nation’s tribune. And I think Gandhi’s sons would have become even more obscure than they have been, and Indira Nehru would have had a very different, perhaps happier, personal life.

But let me, at this point, inform the reader that this imaginary daughter and son are not wholly imaginary. Kasturba did have a child born to her before Harilal, and while there is no record — unbelievably — to tell us whether “it” was a son or a daughter, there is a chance (and a belief in many who have studied the Mahatma’s writings) that the “balak” he writes of was a girl who died within days of her birth. And it is a recorded fact that Kamala Nehru gave birth to a son who did not survive before Indira was born.

Prabha and Hiralal are more real than we may think. And they would have had a more real sense of the nation’s evolving chemistry than even their insightful fathers. So?

At a time when Mahatma Gandhi’s and Jawaharlal Nehru’s political philosophy, their vision for India, their sense of India’s duties to itself and to the world are being either belittled or denigrated, I would like to imagine what a Prabha Gandhi and a Hiralal Nehru would have had to say or do.

First, Gandhi and Nehru did not belong to their families alone. They brought extraordinary energies to the Congress and to the freedom struggle — but as part of those dynamisms, joining others that went before them, who were as great if not in many ways even greater than them, certainly no less pioneering or innovative.

Second, history does not belong to dynasties, howsoever stunning the roles of individuals in those lines. “Gandhi” and “Nehru” should not be conflated with bloodlines but with timelines, which usher in eras not lineages, epochs not estates, and men who were passionate about India have to be supported with a sense of passion, not of possession.

Third, their task — the greatness of India in freedom and justice — faces its biggest challenge today. A narrow and dangerous bigotry is exploiting our innate pride of nation and reversing the larger gains of the struggle that lay in the idea of a republic of India, not in a revivalist recoil to all that kept us backward in thought, regressive in action and wholly unregenerate in vision.

Jawaharlal Nehru’s birth anniversary gives all those who believe in the swaraj that Gandhi and Nehru took forward from their predecessors and alternatives, Dadabhai Naoroji, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Gopal Krishna Gokhale foremost among them, an opportunity to recall and revitalise swaraj’s pledges. That swaraj is at the heart of the Preamble to the Constitution, where “we the people” give ourselves, very specifically, the freedoms of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship. In Sanskrit, the phrase is “vicharasya abhivaktaye asthaha, dharmasya upasanayascha swatantrata”. In that form it reads like a powerful injunction. Hindutva cannot ignore it. And in Urdu, it is “azadi, fikr, izhaar, aqide, deen aur ibadat ki”.

It is this freedom, this swatantrata, this azadi that the struggle for freedom was about and it is that which is at stake today.

Nehru’s birth anniversary is therefore not about one man’s chronology, but about one movement’s ideology. And everyone who believes in that movement and ideology is a Prabha and a Hiralal, the non-real yet more than real descendants of those two men.

The writer is a former governor of West Bengal

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/true-successors-of-gandhi-nehru/

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Nehru Imperator

K. NATWAR SINGH|English Bazaar Patrika - Features|17 November 2015

Lay the Nehru-Patel controversy to rest

All that Nehru and Sardar Patel wanted to do was serve India.

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU read history, wrote history and made history. He was a great man. He was one of the tallest leaders of the 20th century. Yet, history has been grossly unfair to him. My generation revered and venerated Mahatma Gandhi. Its hero was Jawaharlal Nehru. He inspired, his magnetism, vitality and good looks made him stand out in any gathering. Gandhiji gave an ethical and moral dimension to our freedom struggle. Nehru provided the intellectual, rational and anti-imperialist dimensions. (I am not touching his foreign policy because this is not the occasion to do so.) He not only laid the foundations of a modern, democratic, secular, pluralistic India, but also achieved all these against daunting odds. His biographer, S Gopal writes, that Nehru gave India, “adult suffrage, sovereign Parliament, a free press, an independent judiciary. These are Nehru’s lasting monuments.” 

I have called Nehru a great man. Isaiah Berlin, the brilliant Oxford historian-cum-philosopher, said, “To call someone a great man is to claim that he has intentionally taken… A large step, one far beyond the normal capacities of men, in satisfying or materially affecting, central human interests. A great thinker or artist must deserve this title, advance society, to an exceptional degree… alter its ways of thinking or felling to a degree that would not, until he had performed is task, have been conceived as being within the powers of a single individual… In the realm of action, the great man seems able, almost alone and single-handed to transform one form of life into another or permanently and radically alters the outlook and values of a significant body of human beings.” I have quoted Isaiah Berlin at some length because I do not know of any other man who could excel Berlin. I briefly met him twice in London, once in the company of the British poet, Stephek Spender. I recall this because Berlin possessed an aura which even in a very brief encounter left a lasting impression on my intellect.

To me, Nehru, on all counts, passes the Berlin criteria. At the moment, the bigots are hell-bent on demonising Nehru. They will, of course, not succeed, but it is galling that some of these unworthies have attained positions of power and authority. They have deliberately invented the Nehru-Patel controversy. Let us for a moment concede that Sardar Patel would have made a better prime minister. In that case, Sardar Patel would have been at the helm for less than three-and-a-half years. He passed away on December 15, 1950, at the age of seventy-five. Who would have been his successor? Nehru, of course. Both were great in their own way. Those denigrating Nehru surely are aware of the fact that Sardar Patel was number two in Nehru’s first Cabinet, consisting of 15 ministers, including Nehru and Patel. Of these 14, six were non-Congress men — Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, BR Ambedker, Shanmukham Chetty, CH Bhaba, Baldev Singh and John Mathai.

Patel could well have stayed out. As a great patriot he rejected personal ego to serve and give his best to the country.

A few days back, the Editor-in-Chief of this paper reminded us of the HVR Iyengar episode. He was an ICS officer who, for some time, worked with Nehru and Patel. The incident was blown out of all proportion by both (The Sardar’s letter to Nehru had the V Shankar touch in it. He was Sardar Patel’s private secretary. Shankar had subtlety of mind but not openness of character.)

Serious differences between the two emerged in January 1948. As usual, Gandhiji was the umpire. On  January 30, Sardar Patel met the Mahatma at 4 pm at Birla House. Patel opened his heart to Gandhiji, who told him that his presence in the Cabinet was indispensable. So was Nehru’s. Any breach between them would be a disaster. Gandhiji would meet the two the next day to resolve their problems. At 5.10 pm the Mahatma was shot dead.

I very much doubt if the critics of Nehru have read the letters exchanged between Nehru and Patel in the first week of February 1948. Both rose to the occasion. Both realised that it was their duty to together serve India. They transcended their divergences. Only very high-minded and large-hearted men could pen such epistles. I quote a paragraph from each. On February 3, 1948, Nehru wrote, “It is a quarter century since we have closely associated with one another and have faced many storms and perils together. I can say with full honesty that during this period my affection and regard for you have grown, and I do not think anything can happen to lessen this.” Sardar Patel replied on February 5, 1948, “I am deeply touched and overwhelmed by the affection and warmth of your letter. I fully and heartily reciprocate the sentiments you have so feelingly expressed. We have both been lifelong comrades in a common cause. The paramount interests of our country and our mutual love and regard, transcending such differences of outlook and temperament as exist, have held us together.”

I end this on a personal note. I was private secretary to secretary-general RK Nehru between 1960-61. His and my modest office was on the same floor as that of the prime minister. When Parliament was not in session, The Prime Minister came to South Block at 9.30 am and left for lunch at 1.30 pm. At times, I ran into him. One afternoon I almost collided with him. I greeted him with folded hands, with a book between them. He asked me what the book was. It was Amaury de Riencourt’s The Soul of China. The prime minister said, “I have read his Soul of India.” “So have I, Sir” was my response. He then walked towards the stairs which led to Gate 1 and remarked, “Rather Spenglerian I thought.” I gave a nervous smile, not having read Spengler’s The Decline of the West. When he reached the stairs, he paused, looked at me and said, “Nehru Imperator”. He said so because I had read The Soul of India which has a chapter entitled Nehru Imperator.

— The writer is a former Union Cabinet minister

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/nehru-imperator/158494.html

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વ્યથા વાઈરલ થઈ ગઈ

એ.ટી. સિંધી ‘મૌલિક’|Poetry|14 November 2015

દુઃખ દયા ને દર્દની બાઇબલ થઈ ગઈ!
મૃત તસવીર બાળની વાઇરલ થઈ ગઈ!
સાવ સૂતા તટ ઉપર કેવી પડી!?
લાશ જાણે બુદ્ધની ટાઇટલ થઈ ગઈ!
આમ તો ડૂબે છે હોડીઓ હજાર!
આજ દરિયાની વ્યથા વાઇરલ થઈ ગઈ.
દંગ દુનિયા જંગ જોતી ફિતૂરી!
કાળ સાથે બાળની ફાઇનલ થઈ ગઈ!!
એમ ‘મૌલિક’ આંસુઓ આવી ચડ્યાં!
લાગણીઓ કાવ્યમાં સ્પાઇરલ થઈ ગઈ.

(તાજેતરમાં સિરિયન આંતરવિગ્રહ દરમિયાન વિસ્થાપિત થયેલાં હજારો કુટુંબો પૈકી ત્રણ વર્ષના બાળક અયનલ કુર્દીની લાશ તુર્કસ્તાનના દરિયાકાંઠે ઊંધે માથે રઝળી, તેનો ફોટોગ્રાફ વિશ્વમાં વાઇરલ થયો તે જોઈને.)

૫૨, મહંમદી સોસાયટી, પાલનપુર – ૩૮૫ ૦૦૧

સૌજન્ય : “નિરીક્ષક”, 16 નવેમ્બર 2015; પૃ. 19

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