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In a book published in 2007, I wrote that "the world over, the rhetoric of modern democratic politics has been marked by two rather opposed rhetorical styles. The first appeals to hope, to popular aspirations for economic prosperity and social peace. The second appeals to fear, to sectional worries about being worsted or swamped by one's historic enemies."

The Congress under Jawaharlal Nehru generally campaigned on a platform of hope. Nehru and his party promised voters economic growth, social peace and a higher standing for India in the world. He fought three general elections by these means. To be sure, he or his party did not achieve all these goals in office. However, to his credit, to win an election Nehru never opposed India to Pakistan, or Hindus to Muslims, or low castes to high castes, or the Hindi heartland to the rest of India.

On the other hand, the Shiv Sena under Bal Thackeray always campaigned on a platform of fear. The party was founded in 1966; for the first 20 years of its existence, its main focus was on asserting that Mumbai was a city for Marathi-speakers alone. Shiv Sainiks first targeted South Indians who had come to the city to live and work; later, their focus was on keeping people from the North and East out of the metropolis. However, as the Shiv Sena sought to expand elsewhere in the state it acquired a new set of scapegoats. Now it painted Muslims as the main enemy of Mumbai, Maharashtra, and India.

Whether you stoke fear or promote hope is generally a question of character and belief. It was impossible for Nehru to ever demonize Muslims, and inconceivable that Thackeray would ever see Muslims as full and equal citizens of the republic.

Most politicians use hope or fear consistently through the course of their career. Narendra Modi is an exception. He has alternated between these two modes of campaigning. In his first few years as chief minister of Gujarat, Modi campaigned, and ruled, largely on a platform of fear. He spoke of the threats posed to his state and country by a certain "Mian Musharraf", of Sonia Gandhi's foreign origins, of the Congress's alleged pandering to Muslims and of the Muslims' own alleged campaign of demographic conquest (" Hum paanch, hamare pachees", as he put it). Modi stoked the Indian fear of foreigners, the Gujarati fear of outsiders, and the Hindu fear of Muslims – all at once. He presented himself as a bulwark against the malevolent forces which threatened Gujarat in general and Gujarati Hindus in particular, insisting that he, and only he, could save the state from going under.

Halfway into his second full term as chief minister, Modi began re-presenting himself as a Vikash Purush, a Man of Development, who would bring growth and prosperity to the people of his state. He held Vibrant Gujarat summits at which industrialists promised thousands of crores; and he began to boast about his state's achievements in energy, infrastructure and agriculture. The investments were mostly unrealized; and the achievements were somewhat exaggerated. Nonetheless, it was clear that from about 2010 onwards Modi began moving away from the rhetoric of fear toward the rhetoric of hope. The move was not complete; he still remained somewhat suspicious of Muslims (as when he refused to wear a skull cap offered to him in 2011). Nonetheless, it seemed that some sort of brand makeover was underway to make the man appeal to more than the core constituency of Hindutva.

In his campaign for the 2014 general elections, Modi further underplayed communal issues in favour of economic ones. He promised 'Achchhe Din' for everyone and for young voters in particular, saying he would create crores of jobs for them. He also spoke of standing for 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas', implying that religious minorities would also benefit from the economic growth his regime claimed it would bring.

After Modi won the elections and became prime minister, some commentators thought that he had finally shed his hard-line image. They hoped that he would now reconcile conflicting groups, rationalize archaic laws holding back our society and economy, and enhance India's standing in the world. They were further swayed by his grand slogans of 'Start Up India, Stand Up India', 'Make in India', 'Made in India'.

Indians under Modi were indeed starting new enterprises; but of lynching innocent men, not of manufacturing objects for export. Those commentators who had cheered him to victory now urged him to 'rein in the fringe elements'. He was unwilling to do so; meanwhile, his party president was happy to let the polarization proceed apace. A rash of hateful statements against Muslims were made by MPs – chiefly from UP – who had been hand-picked to contest elections by Amit Shah.

Then, in March 2017, one of those chosen MPs was made chief minister of his state. He had a track record as a baiter of minorities; and he was no promoter of development either. Despite five terms as an MP, his constituency was an economic, social, educational and medical disaster. In office, he continued to make incendiary statements aimed at the minorities. Yet, not only does he remain in office; he is sent by the Bharatiya Janata Party to other states to spread his message of hate and division.

Suspicion of those who are not Hindus is intrinsic to the institutional and ideological structure of the sangh parivar. Modi himself imbibed this early; witness the adulatory essays he wrote in praise of M.S. Golwalkar. For his own instrumental purposes, however, Modi shifted from demonizing Muslims during his 2014 campaign. Now, however, since Achchhe Din have manifestly not arrived, the party seems set to revive the Hindutva plank for the next election.

Consider in this regard the debate around the National Register of Citizens in Assam. When the first draft was released, the home minister, Rajnath Singh, said this was a preliminary list, and all those excluded would have a chance to apply again and appeal further if even then they didn't figure. This was both sober and sensible; for the Indian bureaucracy has a legendary reputation for incompetence. Soon, many cases of legitimate citizens being excluded came to light, including many respected Assamese professionals, the family of a former president of the republic, and even a BJP MLA.

The BJP president, however, immediately declared that all those not named in the first draft were infiltrators and needed to be deported. His remarks were picked up and amplified by his acolytes in other states. Leaders of the BJP in Rajasthan, Bihar, Bengal, Mumbai and Delhi have all asked for the identification and deportation of 'foreigners' in their state or city. Lest they be dismissed as the 'fringe', let me note that in Jharkhand, a Harvard-educated and McKinsey-primed Union minister has called for such deportation too.

'Foreigners' in this context is, of course, a code word for 'Muslims'. With farmers in distress, Dalits angry, millions of young men still looking in vain for dignified employment, the BJP appears to have decided to fight the next general election on a platform of generating fear. Voters in different districts and states will be warned of the Assam example, and told that even the jobs they have are at risk because people of that other and foreign faith are against them.

It is likely that in his own speeches the prime minister will not emphasize communal language, or at least not excessively. Rather, he will stoke fears of another kind; that if he is not given a second term, a khichdi coalition led by some self-seeking or corrupt regional satrap will blow away all the promises he has made to the nation, perhaps blow away the nation itself. So, while the cadre will tell voters to fear those who are not Hindu, the leader will tell voters to fear other leaders. Having, in 2014, falsely promised Achchhe Din, Modi will now tell voters that his rivals are capable only of bringing Burre Din.

e.mail : ramachandraguha@yahoo.in

courtesy : “The Telegraph”, 18 August 2018

https://www.telegraphindia.com/opinion/hope-versus-fear-252717?ref=hm-opinion

આ છે અટલ બિહારી વાજપેયીની 5 શ્રેષ્ઠ કવિતાઓ, જેનો તેઓ હંમેશાં ઉલ્લેખ કરતા હતા.

?, રાજેન્દ્ર શુક્લ|Opinion - Opinion|18 August 2018

અટલ બિહારી વાજપેયી ભારતના પૂર્વ પી.એમ. હોવાની સાથે સાથે એક સાહિત્યકાર પણ છે. અટલજીએ પોતાના જીવનકાળ દરમિયાન સંખ્યાબંધ કવિતાઓ લખી છે. આ કવિતાઓનો તે હંમેશાં પોતાના ભાષણ દરમિયાન ઉલ્લેખ કરતા હતા. તેમના પુસ્તક 'મેરી ઈક્યાવન કવિતા'માંથી પસંદ કરેલી આ છે પાંચ શ્રેષ્ઠ કવિતાઓ ..

1. કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

બાધાએં આતી હૈ આએં
ઘિરે પ્રલય કી ઘોર ઘટાએં,
પાવોં કે નીચે અંગારે,
સિર પર બરસે યદિ જ્વાલાએં,
નિજ હાથોં મેં હંસતે-હંસતે
આગ લગાકર જલના હોગા
કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

હાસ્ય-રુદન મેં, તૂફાનો મેં
અગર અસંખ્ય બલિદાનોં મેં,
ઉદ્યાનો મેં, વીરાનોં મેં,
અપમાનો મેં, સમ્માનો મેં,
ઉન્નત મસ્તક, ઉભરા સીના,
પીડાઓ મેં પલના હોગા
કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

ઉજિયારે મેં, અંધકાર મેં
કલ કહાર મેં, બીચ ધાર મેં
ઘોર ઘૃણા મેં, પૂત પ્યાર મેં
ક્ષણિક જીત મેં, દીર્ઘ હાર મેં
જીવન કે શત-શત આકર્ષક
અરમાનોં કો ઢલના હોગા
કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

સમ્મુખ ફૈલા અગર ધ્યેય પથ
પ્રગતિ ચિરંતન કૈસા ઈતિ અબ
સુસ્મિત હર્ષિત કૈસા શ્રમ શ્લથ
અસફલ, સફલ, સમાન મનોરથ
સબ કુછ દેકર કુછ ન માંગતે
પાવસ બનકર ઢલના હૌગા
કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

કુછ કાંટો સે સજ્જિત જીવન
પ્રખર પ્યાર સે વંચિત યૌવન
નીરવતા સે મુખરિત મધુબન,
પરહિત અર્પિત અપના તન-મન
જીવન કો શત શત આહુતિ મેં,
જલના હોગા, ગલના હોગા
કદમ મિલાકર ચલના હોગા

2. દો અનુભૂતિયાં

– પહલી અનુભૂતિ

બેનકાબ ચેહરે હૈ, દાગ બડે ગહરે હૈ
ટૂટતા તિલિસ્મ આજ સચ સે ભય ખાતા હું
ગીત નયા ગાતા હું

લગી કુછ એસી નજર બિખરા શિશે સા શહર
અપનોં કે મેલે મેં મીત નહીં પાતા હું
ગીત નયા ગાતા હું

પીઠ મે છુરી સા ચાંદ, રાહુ ગયા રેખા ફાંદ
મુક્તિ કે ક્ષણો મેં બાર બાર બંધ જાતા હું
ગીત નયા ગાતા હું

– દૂસરી અનુભૂતિ

ગીત નયા ગાતા હૂં

ટૂટે હુએ તારોં સે ફટે બાસંતી સ્વર
પત્થર કી છાતી મેં ઊગ આયા નવ અંકુર
ઝરે સબ પીલે પાત કોયલ કી કુહુક રાત

પ્રાચી મે અરુણિમ કી રેખ દેખ પાતા હું
ગીત નયા ગાતા હું

ટૂટે હુએ સપનો કી કૌન સુને સિસકી
અંતર કી ચીર વ્યથા પલકોં પર ઠિઠકી
હાર નહીં માનૂંગા, રાર નહીં ઠાનુંગા

કાલ કે કપાલ પે લિખતા મિટાતા હૂં
ગીત નયા ગાતા હું

3. દૂધ મેં દરાર પડ ગઈ

ખૂન ક્યોં સફેદ હો ગયા ?

ભેદ મેં અભેદ ખો ગયા
બંટ ગયે શહીદ, ગીત કટ ગએ,
કલેજે મેં કટાર દડ ગઈ
દૂધ મેં દરાર પડ ગઈ

ખેતો મેં બારુદી ગંધ,
તૂટ ગયે નાનક કે છંદ
સતલુજ સહમ ઉઠી, વ્યથિત સી બિતસ્તા હૈ
વસંત સે બહાર ઝડ ગઈ
દૂધ મેં દરાર પડ ગઈ

અપની હી છાયા સે બૈર
ગલે લગને લગે હૈ ગૈર
ખુદકુશી કા રાસ્તા, તુમ્હેં વતન કા વાસ્તા
બાત બનાએં, બિગડ ગઈ
દૂધ મેં દરાર પડ ગઈ

4. એક બરસ બીત ગયા

ઝુલસાતા જેઠ માસ
શરદ ચાંદની ઉદાસ
સિસકી ભરતે સાવન કા
અંતર્ઘત રીત ગયા
એક બરસ બીત ગયા

સીકચોં મેં સીમટા જગ
કિંતુ વિફલ પ્રાણ વિહગ
ધરતી સે અંબર તક
ગૂંજ મુક્તિ ગીત ગયા
એક બરસ બીત ગયા

પથ નિહારતે નયન
ગિનતે દિન પલ છિન
લૌટ કભી આએગા
મન કો જો મીત ગયા
એક બરસ બીત ગયા

5. મનાલી મત જઈયો

મનાલી મત જઈઓ, ગોરી
રાજા કે રાજ મેં

જઈઓ તો જઈઓ,
ઉડિકે મત જઈઓ,
અધર મેં લટકીહૌ,
વાયુદૂત કે જહાજ મેં

જઈયો તો જઈઓ,
સંદેશા ન પડ્યો,
ટેલિફોન બિગડે હૈ,
મિર્ધા મહારાજ મેં

જઈઓ તો જઈઓ
મશાલ લે કે જઈઓ
બિજુરી ભડ બૈરિન
અંધેરિયા રાત મેં

જઈયો તો જઈયો,
ત્રિશૂલ બાંધ જઈયો,
મિલેંગે ખલિસ્તાની,
રાજીવ કે રાજ મેં

મનાલી તો જઈયો
સુરગ સુખ પડ્હોં
દુઃખ નીકો લાગે, મોહે
રાજા કે રાજ મેં

સૌજન્ય : “ગુજરાતી મિડ-ડે”, 17 અૉગસ્ટ 2018

http://www.gujaratimidday.com/news/national/these-are-the-atal-bihari-vajpayee-poetry-whom-he-always-used-to-sang-at-stage-2