પાણીની નિકાસ કરતા દેશોમાં પહેલો નંબર પાકિસ્તાનનો છે, પણ ત્રીજા નંબરે છે ભારત. આ પ્રકારના સમાચાર વાંચીને એવો સવાલ થઈ શકે કે, નદીઓનાં પાણીને લઈને તમિલનાડુ અને કર્ણાટક જેવા રાજ્યો વચ્ચે ભારત-પાકિસ્તાન જેવો માહોલ સર્જાય છે, ત્યારે વળી આપણે પાણીની ય નિકાસ કરીએ છીએ? રાજ્યો રાજ્યો વચ્ચે તો ઠીક, દેશમાં અનેક શહેર, જિલ્લા, ગામ અને સોસાયટીઓમાં પાણીનાં કારણે વારંવાર તંગદિલી સર્જાય છે. જો કે, આપણે પાણીની સીધેસીધી નહીં પણ આડકતરી કે અજાણતા જ નિકાસ કરીએ છીએ!

ભારત જેવા કૃષિપ્રધાન દેશે લાખો લિટર પાણીની નિકાસ કેવી રીતે થઈ જાય છે એનું ગણિત સમજવું ઘણું જરૂરી છે. જેમ કે, ભારતમાં એક કિલોગ્રામ ચોખાના પાકને સરેરાશ ત્રણથી ચાર હજાર લિટર પાણી જોઈએ. એવી જ રીતે, પંજાબ અને હરિયાણામાં એક કિલોગ્રામ ચોખાનો પાક લેવા પાંચેક હજાર લિટર પાણી જોઈએ. વર્ષ ૨૦૧૫માં ભારતે એક કરોડ ટન ચોખાની નિકાસ કરી હતી. બસ, મુશ્કેલી અહીંથી જ શરૂ થાય છે. આ ચોખાની નિકાસની સાથે ભારતે એ વર્ષે ૩૦થી ૫૦ બિલિયન ક્યુબિક મીટર પાણીની નિકાસ પણ કરી દીધી. ભારતના કૃષિ નિષ્ણાતો આ વાતથી સારી રીતે વાકેફ છે. કૃષિવિજ્ઞાનીઓ પણ પાણીનું ગણિત સમજાવતા જાતભાતના અહેવાલો તૈયાર કરી ચૂક્યા છે, પરંતુ કોઈ પણ મુશ્કેલીનું નિવારણ કરવા જડબેસલાક યોજના બનાવવી પડે અને પછી તેનો એવી જ રીતે અમલ કરવો પડે. આપણે યોજનાઓ તો બનાવીએ છીએ પણ એનો અમલ કરવામાં કંગાળ છીએ.

ભારતમાં નદી-નાળાં અને નહેરો થકી સિંચાઈ વ્યવસ્થા અત્યંત કંગાળ હોવાથી લાખો ખેડૂતોનો પાણીનો પ્રાથમિક સ્રોત ભૂગર્ભ જળ છે. આ કારણસર દેશના તમામ સમૃદ્ધ રાજ્યોમાં જમીની પાણીના તળ વધુને વધુ નીચે જઈ રહ્યા છે. વર્ષ ૨૦૧૦માં દેશભરમાં જમીન નીચેથી ૭૫ ક્યુબિક કિલોમીટર પાણી ખેંચાયું હતું. એ પાણીનો પણ બેફામ વેડફાટ થાય છે એ પાછો અલગ મુદ્દો છે. પાકિસ્તાને પણ ૨૦૧૦માં હજારો ટન અનાજની નિકાસ કરી હતી, જે પકવવા માટે ૭.૫ ક્યુબિક કિલોમીટર પાણી વપરાયું હતું. એક ક્યુબિક મીટર એટલે ૧૦૦ અબજ લિટર. પાકિસ્તાને આટલાં પાણીની અનાજના સ્વરૂપમાં નિકાસ કરી દીધી હતી. એશિયાના બે સૌથી મોટા કૃષિપ્રધાન દેશ ભારત અને પાકિસ્તાનમાં માથાદીઠ પાણી પહેલેથી ઓછું છે. આમ છતાં, આ બંને દેશ દર વર્ષે હજારો લિટર પાણીની અજાણતા જ નિકાસ કરી દે છે.  આ બંને દેશની સાથે વાત એટલા માટે કે, ભૂગોળ અને પર્યાવરણની રીતે ભારત અને પાકિસ્તાન એકબીજા સાથે ગાઢ રીતે જોડાયેલા છે.

ખાંડના ઉત્પાદનમાં પણ પાણીનું ગણિત સમજવા જેવું છે. મહારાષ્ટ્રમાં દર વર્ષે ભયાનક દુકાળ પડે છે, જે કુદરતી કરતા માનવસર્જિત વધારે છે. મહારાષ્ટ્રમાં ખાંડ માફિયા અને રાજકારણીઓની મિલિભગતના કારણે સ્થિતિ એવી સર્જાઈ છે કે, અહીં અનેક ખાંડ સહકારી મંડળીઓ અને સુગર મિલોના પ્રમોટરો રાજકારણીઓ છે. એ લોકોને પાણીની તંગી ધરાવતા વિસ્તારોમાં પણ હજારો લિટર પાણી પી જતી શેરડીની ખેતી કરાવવામાં જ રસ છે. આ મુદ્દે વિવાદ થાય છે ત્યારે રાજકારણીઓ દલીલ કરે છે કે, મહારાષ્ટ્રમાં માંડ ચાર ટકા જમીન પર જ શેરડીની ખેતી થાય છે. સાંભળવામાં જોરદાર લાગતી આ દલીલ સામેવાળાને ચૂપ કરી દે છે, પરંતુ એ છેતરામણી દલીલ છે. રાજકારણીઓ એવું નથી કહેતા કે, ચાર ટકા જમીનમાં પકવવામાં આવતી શેરડી મહારાષ્ટ્રના કૂવા અને સિંચાઈનું ૭૧ ટકાથી પણ વધુ પાણી પી જાય છે. શેરડીની જેમ કોઈ પણ કૃષિ ઉત્પાદનોની નિકાસ કરતી વખતે પાણીની ગણતરી કરવી જરૂરી છે. મહારાષ્ટ્રનો દુકાળ માનવસર્જિત છે, કુદરતી નહીં. વરસાદ ભલે આકાશમાંથી પડે છે, પરંતુ દુકાળનું સર્જન તો પૃથ્વી પર જ થાય છે.

કયા વિસ્તારમાં, કયો પાક લેવો જોઈએ?, કઈ ચીજનું ઉત્પાદન કરવાના બદલે આયાત કરવી સસ્તી પડશે? તેમ જ કયા ઉત્પાદનની વાસ્તવિક કિંમત વધારે છે? – આવા અનેક પ્રશ્નોના જવાબ મેળવવા પાણીને પણ ગણતરીમાં લેવું જોઈએ એવું અનેક કૃષિ અહેવાલોમાં વાંચવા મળે છે. કૃષિ ઉત્પાદનોની વાસ્તવિક કિંમતમાં પાણી અને વીજળીનાં મૂલ્યનો પણ સમાવેશ કરવો પડે. એવી જ રીતે, કૃષિ ક્ષેત્રે પાણીની જેમ વીજ વપરાશનું પણ આગવું ગણિત છે. હાલમાં જ પંજાબે પાકિસ્તાનને થોડી વધારે વીજળી વેચવા કેન્દ્ર સરકારની મંજૂરી લીધી હતી. જો કે, આ વીજળી પેદા કરવા પણ ભારતની જમીનમાંથી પાણી ખેંચવામાં આવી રહ્યું છે. ભારત જેવો દેશ કૃષિ ઉત્પાદનોની નિકાસ કરતી વખતે પાણીની જેમ ઊર્જા એટલે કે વીજળીની પણ નિકાસ કરે છે.

પાણી અને વીજળીના ગણિતને સમજવા બીજું પણ એક ઉદાહરણ જોઈએ. દેશ આઝાદ થયા પછી પંજાબે હરિયાળી ક્રાંતિનો જબરદસ્ત લાભ લેવાનું શરૂ કર્યું. પંજાબના ખેડૂતો કપાસનો વધુને વધુ પાક લેવા માટે હાઇબ્રિડ કોટન બિયારણોનો બેફામ ઉપયોગ કરતા. આ બિયારણોના ઉપયોગથી કપાસનું ઉત્પાદન અનેકગણું વધ્યું. પંજાબી ખેડૂતો માલદાર થઈ રહ્યા હતા તેથી ખુશ હતા. આમ આદમી ખુશ હતો એટલે સરકારને પણ ખાસ કંઈ પડી ન હતી. આવું અનેક વર્ષો ચાલ્યા પછી હરિયાળી ક્રાંતિની આડઅસરો સામે આવવા લાગી. હાઇબ્રિડ કોટન બિયારણોમાં એક નવા જ પ્રકારની જીવાત આવી, જે અમેરિકન બોલવૉર્મ તરીકે ઓળખાય છે. કપાસમાં જીવાત તો પહેલાં પણ થતી હતી, પરંતુ એ જીવાત એટલી ખાઉધરી ન હતી. નવી નવી જીવાતો માટે નવી દવાઓનો ઉપયોગ કરાયો, જે પાછી માનવશરીર માટે ખતરનાક હતી. જૂની જીવાત થોડો ઘણો પાક ખાઈ જતી, પરંતુ અમેરિકન બોલવૉર્મની કપાસની ભૂખ કુંભકર્ણ જેવી હતી.

આ સ્થિતિમાં પંજાબમાં કપાસના ખેડૂતો રાતોરાત પાયમાલ થવા લાગ્યા, હોબાળો થયો. રાજ્ય સરકારે કપાસ ખરીદવાની ખાતરી આપી અને ટેકાના ભાવ જાહેર કર્યા. સરકારે નિષ્ણાતો જોડે અહેવાલો તૈયાર કરાવીને ખેડૂતોને કપાસની ખેતી બંધ કરવાની અપીલ કરી, અભિયાનો ચાલ્યા પણ આ દરમિયાન એક મોટી ભૂલ થઈ ગઈ. સરકારે કપાસની ખેતી બંધ કરનારા ખેડૂતોને ડાંગરનો પાક લેવા પ્રોત્સાહન આપ્યું. જો કે, પંજાબની ભૂગોળ અને વાતાવરણ માટે ડાંગરનો પાક નવો હતો. ડાંગરને તો કપાસ કરતાં પાંચ ગણું વધારે પાણી જોઈએ, પરંતુ આ વાત યાદ આવી ત્યાં સુધી મોડું થઈ ચૂક્યું હતું.

વિચાર કરો. પંજાબમાં કપાસનો પાક તો કેનાલોના પાણીથી પણ લેવાઈ જતો, પરંતુ ડાંગર તો જન્મોજન્મની તરસી હોય એમ પાણી પીતી. ડાંગરની તરસ છીપાવવા ખેડૂતોએ ટ્યૂબવેલો વસાવી અને જમીનમાંથી પાણી ખેંચવાનું શરૂ કર્યું. પંજાબમાં જમીની પાણીની સપાટી ૫૦૦ ફૂટ નીચે મળે છે, જે તમામ રાજ્યોમાં સૌથી ઊંડું છે. હવે પંજાબ અને કેન્દ્ર સરકાર પંજાબના ખેડૂતોને ડાંગર સિવાયના પાક લેવા પ્રોત્સાહન આપે છે. આજે ય પંજાબમાં પાણીની તંગી છે. સરકાર ડેમો બનાવે છે પણ એ પાણી દૂરસુદુરના વિસ્તારોમાં પહોંચાડવા સિંચાઈ વ્યવસ્થા જોઈએ અને એ તરફ પૂરતું ધ્યાન નથી અપાતું. સિંચાઈ માટે કરોડોના ખર્ચ પછીયે દેશની ૫૦ ટકા જમીન પાણી માટે તરસે છે. પાણીનો સંગ્રહ તો થઈ ગયો પણ વૉટર મેનેજમેન્ટ નથી. વરસાદ થોડો ઘટે કે પછી નહીંવત્‌ થાય તો ખેડૂતોની આત્મહત્યામાં વધારો થાય છે.

ભારતમાં ટપક સિંચાઈથી ખેતીને પણ વધુને વધુ પ્રોત્સાહન આપવાની જરૂર છે કારણ કે, તેમાં ઓછા પાણીથી વધારે પાક લઈ શકાય છે અને ઊર્જાની પણ બચત થાય છે. આ સ્થિતિમાં અનાજની સાથે પાણી-વીજળીની વર્ચ્યુઅલ નિકાસ કરી દેવી કેવી રીતે પોસાય? દેશના જ વિવિધ રાજ્યો વચ્ચે પાણીની નિકાસ થાય છે, એ પાછો અલગ મુદ્દો છે. જેમ કે, ગુજરાત અને કર્ણાટક જેવા પાણીની તંગી ધરાવતા વિસ્તારોમાંથી જળસમૃદ્ધ રાજ્યોમાં કૃષિ ઉત્પાદનોની નિકાસ કરાય છે. એવી જ રીતે, વીજ અછત ધરાવતા રાજ્યમાંથી વીજ સમૃદ્ધિ ધરાવતા રાજ્યમાં નિકાસ થાય છે. ભારતમાં વીજળી પેદા કરવા પાણીનો મહત્તમ ઉપયોગ થાય છે અને એ પાણીથી ખેતી કરવા ફરી પાછો વીજળીનો ઉપયોગ થાય છે. એટલે જ અનેક દેશો ફક્ત પાણી, પર્યાવરણ અને વીજળી બચાવવા અનાજની આયાત કરે છે. કદાચ ભારત સરકાર માટે આવો નિર્ણય લેવો અત્યારે અઘરો છે, પરંતુ આપણે વૈજ્ઞાનિક ખેતી જરૂર કરી શકીએ છીએ. આપણી મોટા ભાગની મુશ્કેલીઓ વૈજ્ઞાનિક અભિગમના અભાવના કારણે છે. બળદના બદલે ટ્રેક્ટરનો ઉપયોગ કરવાથી વૈજ્ઞાનિક ખેતી નથી થઈ જતી!

વૈશ્વિક કૃષિ વેપારના કારણે પૃથ્વીના પેટાળનું ૧૧ ટકા પાણી ઓછું થઈ ગયું છે. આ પ્રક્રિયા હજુયે ચાલુ છે. એ પાણીનો ૨૫ ટકા હિસ્સો તો એકલા ભારત-પાકિસ્તાન અને અમેરિકાએ જ ખાલી કરી દીધો છે. કૃષિ વેપારમાં વરસાદી પાણીની પણ નિકાસ થઈ જાય છે, પરંતુ નિષ્ણાતો ફક્ત જમીની પાણીના આંકડા જ તૈયાર કરવાનો પ્રયાસ કરે છે. નિકાસ થઈ જતા પાણીમાં વરસાદી પાણીનો હિસ્સો કેટલો? – એ નક્કી કરવું કૃષિવિજ્ઞાનીઓ માટે પણ અઘરું છે. વૈજ્ઞાનિક પદ્ધતિથી પાણી નહીં અપાતું હોવાના કારણે પાણીના ઘણાં મોટા હિસ્સાનું બાષ્પીભવન પણ થઈ જાય છે. એ રીતે પણ પાણીનો વેડફાટ થાય છે.

ભારતના પેટાળનું અને વરસાદનું સૌથી વધારે પાણી ઘઉં પી જાય છે કારણ કે, લગભગ બધા જ રાજ્યોમાં ઘઉંની ખેતી થાય છે. એ પછી ચોખા, કપાસ, શેરડી અને ગૌમાંસનો ક્રમ આવે છે. હા, ગૌમાંસની સૌથી વધારે નિકાસ કરતો દેશ ભારત છે. તાજા આંકડા પ્રમાણે વર્ષ ૨૦૧૬-૧૭માં ભારત ત્રણ લાખ ટન ઘઉં અને ૧.૭૦ કરોડ ટન ચોખાની નિકાસ કરશે. આ બંને ઉત્પાદનોની નિકાસની સાથે સાથે ભારત આડકતરી રીતે પાણી અને વીજળીની પણ નિકાસ કરે છે. શું આ નિકાસથી આપણને ફાયદો છે?

ભારતે સુપરપાવર બનવા અનાજ, પાણી અને વીજળી વચ્ચેનો સંબંધ સમજવાનો સમય થઈ ગયો છે કારણ કે મોંઘવારી, ફુગાવો અને રાષ્ટ્રીય સુરક્ષા માટે પણ આ ખૂબ જ મહત્ત્વનો મુદ્દો છે.

સૌજન્ય : http://vishnubharatiya.blogspot.co.uk/2017/06/blog-post_6.html

e.mail : vishnubharatiya@gmail.com

Nazmi was born in Kisumu, Kenya on March 31, 1942 and died in an accident in Nairobi on  July 1,  1990. He was the 3rd child of Gulamhussein and Shirin Durrani both of whom were born in Nairobi.  Nazmi’s grandfather, Alibhai Ramji, (on his father’s side) was born in Jam Timby, Naunagar State, India in 1890 and later married Avalbai.  He came to Kenya when he was about 10 years old. Alibhai’s father, Ramji Kanji, had sent Alibhai (and later his younger brother) to Kenya following drought and impoverishment due to British oppression of Indian peasants.

Nazmi studied at the Aga Khan Secondary School and Allidina Visram High School in Mombasa prior to graduating in 1965 at the University of Leicester in England.  Following a Post Graduate Diploma in Education at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda in 1966, Nazmi taught at the Aga Khan High School in Mombasa before moving to Nairobi where he worked at the Library of Congress Office from 1969 until his death on July 1, 1990

In that brief working period of 24 years, Nazmi developed many interests.  The selection of his writing in this book provides a glimpse into the range of his interests and work.  However, it misses out the main motive that powered his writing and the vast range of his activities.  While Nazmi was a left-leaning progressive intellectual, he did not come to his own until he became a member of the underground political organisation, The December Twelve Movement, towards the end of 1970s.  Joining the anti-imperialist  organisation helped him to make the transition from a left-leaning intellectual to a political activist who directed his energy to working for a just and more equal Kenya.  This struggle motivated him until his untimely and tragic death.

As a librarian, Nazmi was aware of the central role that relevant information could play in the struggle to liberate the minds of working people from a mindset moulded by imperialism.  As a teacher, he was keen to ensure that the learning and experience he had were passed on to others, particularly the younger generation growing up under neo-colonialism.  As a member of the December Twelve Movement, he was active in strengthening the organisational structures which could provide a powerful force to dislodge the imperialist-imposed culture and politics in Kenya.  One of the causes in which Nazmi became active was the environmental movement which embraced causes that served the needs of working people, such as campaigns to develop bicycle lanes in Nairobi so that workers could have a safe and viable means of transport to/from work.

In addition, Nazmi also became involved in cultural activities as an arm of the liberation struggle in which Nazmi was active.  Along with other activists, he was against the imposition of English as the only viable language in Kenya.  He thus learned Kiswahili and wrote stories, poems and historical pieces in Kiswahili so as to reach workers who used this medium of communication.  Some of his poems in Kiswahili are reproduced in this book, but a more substantial collection of his resistance poetry in Kiswahili will be published under the title Tunakataa in 2017. At the same time, he supported the use of the languages of Kenyan nationalities.  In this context, he sharpened his skills in his own mother tongue, Gujarati, and wrote historical and cultural articles that would increase awareness among Gujarati-speaking people.  Some of his articles written and published in Gujarati are reproduced in this book. He also wrote a play in Gujarati, Katokati no Samai and translated it into English under the title An Encounter in Eastleigh.  To date, the English version remains to be published. He devised also some crosswords in Gujarati for Alakmalak magazine.  He wrote stories, puzzles and other learning material for children – some published in Alakmalak, others given to younger members of his own family. 

Many of his activities, particularly political ones, remain to be documented.  One such activity was the the use of his house in the Ngara area of Nairobi as a safe house for political work of the December Twelve Movement and the setting up of the liberation library there.  The “secrete basement in a house”, mentioned below was Nazmi’s, as recorded by Durrani, S. :

Another way in which the Library Cell met the needs of the people was writing, printing and distributing underground pamphlets.  Thus a number of underground pamphlets were cyclostyled by Cell members using a secret basement in a house in the [Ngara] area of Nairobi.  The house itself had been a “safe” underground facility for a number of political activities, including a venue for safe meetings.  It also housed the Movement’s library which served as a central reference centre for the movement.  The “Notes accompanying donation of books to Cuba” (Durrani, 2008) in 2000, provide further details on the library:

Thus the liberation forces of necessity had to set up their own underground liberation libraries.  Perhaps the largest one was the one run by Nazmi Durrani which provided a major reference point for December Twelve Movement which published its own newspaper  Pambana  (“Struggle”) in early 1980s.  The library contained material  which was banned in Kenya and which could lead to indefinite detention if found out.  This included works of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Castro, as well as publications from USSR and the Foreign Language Press in Beijing.  This library also provided the source material for important document in the fight against the neo-colonial Moi regime such as Mwakenya’s Register of Resistance (1987), and Umoja(1989) .

In Progressive Librarianship,Durrani, S. provides some background to Nazmi’s articles in this book:

Library Cell members were active in other areas as well.  One method they used was the use of open publishing avenues to create a new awareness of the history of resistance.  An important contribution was that of Nazmi Durrani writing as Nazmi Ramji for security reasons.  He worked as a librarian at the Library of Congress in Nairobi, but developed December Twelve Movement’s (DTM) library in a secret location.  As a member of the Library Cell, he participated in all its information activities, as well as in all DTM political work.  He also acted as Kanoru in Ngugi wa Thiongo’s play Maitu Njugira (Translated as “Mother Sing for me”, 1981) which was banned by the Kenya Government who then detained the author…    He [Nazmi] was also responsible for compiling a number of publications circulating underground.  These included Article 5 – Human Rights Violations [in Kenya]  and Upande Mwingine – collections of resistance activities by workers, peasants, students and others.

He also wrote and published a series of articles in Gujarati under the heading “Biographies of patriotic Asian Kenyans” which sought to counter the Government propaganda which painted South Asian communities in a very negative light.   The series was written in Gujarati and published in the Gujarati magazine, Alakmalak.   

At a personal level, Nazmi remained down-to-earth and perfectly at home with all – children, youth, older people. Teresa Ongaro  captures Nazmi’s personality:

If Nazmi Durrani thought his grey hair would earn him some reverence on this trip, he must have been very disappointed—to us he was just one of the guys! His sense of humour, his modesty and his generosity (one cold night in Francistown, Nazmi let someone sleep in his sleeping bag who hadn't even asked!) made him a favourite among us all. To Nazmi, solitude is for sleeping—two minutes on his own and he’d be dreaming away to glory. This trancelike state soon came to be known as Nazmititis. His endless wit provided us a regular source of comedy. However, Nazmi’s leadership qualities are doubtful—his suggestion of a venue for a meal led to the near decimation of our group's male species.

In one of his poems, Nazmi asks: 

When shall we liberate
Ourselves from this mental slavery?

The struggle to liberate people’s minds from the imperialist mental slavery become Nazmi’s lifelong pursuit.

London, June 07, 2016

Manilal A. Desai, 1878-1926

Manilal A. Desai was born in 1878 in Surat District of Gujarat in India. After finishing school he studied law. He worked for a few years in the legal field in India and in 1915 migrated to Kenya where he was employed by a firm of British lawyers in Nairobi. Like in the rest of the country, in lawyers’ offices, too, there was racial discrimination. Once when his European employer found him smoking at work, Desai was told that he was not to smoke in the office, that only Europeans could smoke there. Unable to put up with such blatant racism, he resigned there and then.

He then opened a small shop on River Road. However, he did not have much interest in running the business which after a short time he handed over to his nephew. His real interest was in the anti-colonial politics of the country.

Background to class formation and class struggle

Under the British rule a form of apartheid was practiced in Kenya by the colonial authority which favoured the European settlers. Fertile agricultural land in the highlands was taken over by the British colonial administration for settlement of white farmers who mostly came from Britain or South Africa. The original African owners were rendered landless and homeless, and were forced to provide labour on the now European settler owned farms. In towns the best residential areas were set aside for Europeans; Asians could only live in specially designated areas which were generally situated between European areas (with a portion of ‘no man’s land in between) and those allocated for Africans. The African areas were the poorest, where tens of thousands of people were crowded into small areas with little or no amenities. In health, education, in fact in every sphere, the three racial groups were provided with highly discriminatory and strictly segregated facilities: those for the Europeans were by far the best; those for the Africans the facilities were either non-existent or f very poor quality.

In the colonial political field, the Legislative Council and municipal councils were entirely dominated by European settlers and administrators. The Asian were given a nominal representation in these. (In 1917 Desai was chosen to represent the Asian community in the settler controlled Nairobi Municipal Council). However, the African majority was excluded altogether from these bodies.

A majority demand of the Indian Association, which was the organisational arm of the Kenyan Asian trading class, was for equal representation with the European settlers in these councils. It also wanted the representatives to be elected and not nominated by the colonial administration.

Reflecting the two distinct classes of Kenya Asians who had made the country their home, their anti- British campaign was also of two types. One class of Indian immigrants were petty traders who had started settling on the East Africa coast since the middle of the 19th century. With the colonial conquest of Kenya by the British, who had also conquered India, increasing numbers of traders were encouraged to settle here. This was intended to facilitate the penetration of British manufactured goods into the country. Following the first influx of these traders, many more were who were rendered landless and jobless during occupation of India migrated to East Africa where they initially worked for the early traders. Later they opened their own little shops in the interior. Some of these were later to become commercial and industrial giants, while the majority retained the status of retail traders, the so called dukawallas.

The second group of Indian immigrants were the workers who had been brought into the country to build the railway. During the period 1896-1903, a total of about 32,000 workers were hired. Over a half of this number eventually returned to India on completion of their contracts. Some 2,500 lost their lives on the job; 6,500 had to be sent back because of illness and injury caused during the construction work, many of them crippled for life. A total of 6,724 settled in Kenya and Uganda on completion of their work. These were skilled and semi-skilled workers who formed the nucleus of Kenya Asian working class in the early years of the century. They were employed in the railway workshops and in the government public works department around the country; or they set up their own independent little workshops in towns. Later some of them were employed in the emergent private industrial sector. Their numbers were augmented by the coming of skilled workers (masons, plumbers, blacksmiths, carpenters) who found employment in the construction industry, and others such as shoemakers, tailors, mechanics to service the growing populations of urban centres. Along with these wage-earning workers, there were salaried workers who were employed at clerical levels in the colonial administration and commercial sector, and such professionals as teachers and accountants.

The petty bourgeois and working classes led two distinct struggles. The former fought for equal opportunities with the European settlers in the economic and political spheres. The later organised themselves, along with their African workers, into trade unions and fought for just returns for their labour.  The first recorded organised resistance against colonial employers took place almost with the very introduction of workers in the country, namely the 1900 railway workers’ strike. The working class struggle was, by the late 1940’s, to develop into a formidable political instrument against the British colonial system as a whole. The colonial response to the workers’ struggle was much severe than that to the constitutional struggle against institutional racial discrimination. The colonial authorities resorted to jailing and deportation of its leaders right from the earliest days. For example, following the 1914 strike of the railway and public works department workers, their leaders Mehrchard Puri and Tirath Ram were arrested and forcibly deported from the country.

Desai plunges into anti-colonial struggle

Desai’s plunge into the anti-colonial struggle was via the Indian Association of which he became the Secretary.   A.M. Jeevanjee, the pioneer trader, shipowner and building contractor, was its President at the time. Along with such other leaders such as B.S. Varma, Shamsudeen, Hussein Suleman Virji, S.J. Amin and Mangal Dass, he greatly strengthened the Association organisationally. In addition, he worked towards greater cooperation of all East African Asians. This led to the re-emergence of the East African Indian National Congress linking the Asians of Kenya, Tanganyika, Uganda and Zanzibar, the four British colonial territories in the area. He became the President of the Congress.

With the entry of Desai in the Kenyan Asian political struggle, it took a more militant path. It now also stated looking at the colonial situation as a whole, and not merely from the perspective of the Kenya Asian middle class.

Having had a first-hand experience of the anti-British colonial struggle in India, he saw that the colonial exploitation and oppression in the land of his birth and in his adopted home were similar, even though the concrete forms these took in each country were different. This perspective had two results. On the one hand, he realised that the struggles in India and Kenya could learn from each other and also be strengthened if some sort of unity or coordination could be achieved since the two countries faced a common enemy, the British colonialism. For this purpose he sought he sought contact with the Indian National Congress. On the other hand, he took an active interest in the African anti-colonial struggle in which he saw similarities with the fight for independence that was going on in India. In the Kenya context, he realised that Kenyan Asians could not carry on their struggle in isolation from the African fight for their rights. In fact, from the outset he recognised that the African struggle was of primary importance.  

Once having correctly analysed the colonial situation, Desai forged the instruments with which the struggle could be carried out. He saw publicity and propaganda as one of the main weapons with which the oppressed people could be informed and politicised for further action. The British colonial administration and European settlers used newspapers to propagate their interests. To combat this propaganda, Desai founded a Gujarati-English weekly, East African Chronicle. Through this paper he publicised African and Kenyan Asian grievances arising from the colonial racist discriminatory and segregatory practices.  The paper also demanded political rights for the Kenyan Africans, Asians and Arabs.

Desai was instrumental in drawing the Kenyan Asian struggle closer to the African struggle. His East African Chronicle offices became the centre for the meeting of the leaders of the two communities. He worked closely with the Africa nationalist leader, Harry Thuku, who headed the East African Association. The two leaders, both bachelors, met during their spare time at Desai’s place, which consisted of a single room on River Road which was provided to him by A. M. Jeevanjee. The East African Chronicle publicised the work of the East African Association, its protest meetings and also the African grievances and demands put forward by the association. Among the issues it protested against were the appropriation of the African owned land by the colonial administration for the settlement of European immigrants; the compulsory registration of Africans and the carrying of the registration and employment papers in a metal container (the ‘kipande’) round the neck at all times; increasing taxes without any government facilities being offered in return; forced labour on European owned farms.

Desai also published Thuku’s Kiswahili paper Tangazo, and the leaflets and posters which publicised the public meetings organised by the East African Association. In addition, he helped Thuku draft a protest memorandum outlining the African demands. In July 1921 this memorandum was sent to the colonial government in England and to many overseas sympathisers of the Kenyan people.

In 1921 when the British colonial governor, Edward Northey, called a meeting of European and Asian leaders to discuss the country’s future, Desai protested at the non-representation of Africans and Arabs at the meeting, and made a forceful speech making demands on their behalf as well.

By 1922 the African protest against colonial injustices had reached a high point. Thuku and other East African Association officials were touring the country holding well-attended public meetings and demanding drastic changes in colonial policies. The colonial government was getting into a state of panic and on 14 March 1922 arrested Thuku and 50 other members of the Association. In protest against the arrests the Nairobi workers called a general strike which paralysed the town. On 16 March they organised a mammoth procession through the streets of the town, at the end of which they gathered outside the police lines, where Thuku was being held, at the present-day site of the University of Nairobi. They called for his immediate and unconditional release. The colonial police opened fire on the unarmed protesters. Gun-wielding Europeans at the nearby Norfolk Hotel joined in the shooting. Some 150¹ people were killed and many more were injured. Among the first one to be shot and killed was a woman leader of the demonstration, Muthoni Nyanjiru. The extent of the support for the protest among workers of different nationalities can be seen from the fact that among the injured were some Asians, as the East African Standard of 17 March 1922 reported. Following the massacre, hundreds of workers were arrested. The East African Association leaders, Thuku, Waiganjo wa Ndotono and George Mugekenyi were deported without trial to Kismayu, Lamu and Kwale district respectively. Among the many who were imprisoned was another leader of the Association, Abdullah Tairara.

In his East Africa Chronicle, Desai gave a detailed account of the whole episode, strongly condemning the colonial administration’s ruthless handling of the incident. In conjunction with B.S Varma, Shamsudeen and Mangal Dass, he fought against the deportation orders and sought the release of the African leaders. While Thuku was in Kismayu, Desai corresponded with him to keep him informed about the developments in the country. The papers were forwarded through Thuku’s Asian shop owner contact in Kismayu. He also kept in touch with Thuku’s mother and helped her financially during her son’s enforced absence.

For a long time, the colonial authorities had been looking for an excuse to close the East African Chronicle. On a number of occasions, it had raided the paper’s offices looking for some incriminating evidence and to harass Desai and the other staff. Finally, in mid-1922 the paper was forced to close down. However, along with Sitaram Acharia and N. S Thakur, Desai carried on the fight in the pages of the Democrat. This paper at one time printed the Kikuyu Central Association’s publication Muigwithania which was edited by Johnstone Kamau (later Jomo Kenyatta).

In the constitutional sphere, the European settlers during this period were pressing for self-government for Kenya under white rule. They demanded a constitution similar to that which the European settlers in the then Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) had been granted by the British colonial government. The British government in London, as well as the colonial administration in Nairobi, had always sympathised with the settlers’ demand. In 1919 Governor Northey had proclaimed that ‘the principle had been accepted at home (i.e. in England) that this country was primarily for European development’ and that ‘European interests must be paramount throughout the protectorate’ (i.e. Kenya). in 1922 Churchill, the Colonial Secretary, confirmed this undertaking given to the European settlers and went on to assure them that they could look forward to ‘in full fruition of time to compete responsible self-government’ of ‘all civilised men’; the measurement of the so called civilisation would be by ‘well-marked European standards’.

The population of Kenya at this time was made up as follows:

Africans            2,500,000
Asians                   25,000
Arabs                    10,000
Europeans            10,000

Thus the destiny of over two and a half million people in the ‘self-governing’ country would be in the hands of 10,000 white settlers. By 1923, it appeared that the fate of the country had already been decided upon. Desai, in a telegram sent to the British Colonial Office in February 1923, strongly challenged this policy. He said that Kenya being an African country, the interests of the Africans should be protected and that there should be ‘no predomination (of) European or Indian settlers’.

In March 1923 the British government called a meeting in London to discuss the future of the country. The Kenyan Asian delegation, comprising among others of A. M. Jeevanjee, Shamsudeen, B. S. Varma, H. S. Virji, was led by Desai. The British colonial government in India sent a delegation to the conference made up of non-official Indian members of the Indian Legislative. These two delegations opposed the European settler demands. African leaders were once again excluded. The leaders of the East African Association, in a memorandum sent with Desai, protested at their non-inclusion at the conference. During the conference itself, Joseph Kang’ethe sent a cable to London on behalf of the Association declaring that Africans ‘should not be handed over to a self-governing Kenya in which settlers predominate’. All this opposition forced the British colonial government to back down.

In July 1923, in language reminiscent of Desai’s February telegram, the Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Devonshire, declared that in Kenya ‘the interests of the African native must be paramount’. However, having made this high-sounding pronouncement, which came to be known as the Devonshire Declaration, the colonial government carried in with its earlier policies of total exclusion of African leadership from the political processes of the country and of racial discrimination favouring the European settlers.

In 1924, seeing that the money collected by the colonial administration was used to run the system that not only did not benefit the people generally, but was, in fact, used to oppress the very people who were paying these taxes, Desai organised a tax boycott. As a result he was jailed.

The following year Desai was selected to represent the Kenyan Asians in the Legislative Council, much to the displeasure of the colonial administration and settlers. He used this forum tirelessly to draw attention to injustices and discriminatory practices of the colonial authority and to challenge the racism of the European settlers. As the African population lacked a voice in the council, Desai worked closely with the leaders of the newly formed Kikuyu Central Association such as Joseph Kang’ethe, James Beauttah and Jesse Kariuki, and presented their grievances and demands. Faced with the colonial administration’s total refusal to pay heed to the Kenya Asian representatives’ demands, Desai, Jeevanjee, Varma and J. b. Pandya staged a boycott of the council.

Acharya and Desai faced enormous financial problems in publishing the Democrat. Lacking advertising revenue to run it on a commercial basis, the paper depended to a great extent on donations from those who supported its stand. In 1926 the two of them set out on an East African tour to raise money for the paper. Desai fell ill during the trip and in July 1926 died in Bukoba, Tanganyika at the age of 48.

To perpetuate the memory of this Kenyan Asian patriot, the East African Indian Congress raised funds to build a monument, the Desai Memorial Hall which stands on the Tom Mboya Street (formerly Victoria Street) in Nairobi. The building housed a library which, following the principle held dear by Desai, was open to people of all races; it was the first library, and for a long time the only one, in Nairobi to have such an open door policy. During the ‘1930’s, 1940’s and 1950’s the meeting hall in the building was the venue for countless meetings of Nairobi workers. In addition, a street in Nairobi has been named after him, the Desai Road which links Murang’a Road with the Ngara/Park Roads junction.

A voice of Kenya’s National Service programme broadcast on 12 April 1981 had this to say about Desai:

He had the strength and foresight to take a long-term view of the history of Kenya. He was a courageous leader who did not care for his personal interests and comfort in the service of the cause for justice and equality.

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[This is an expanded version of the article published in Alakmalak and Opinion Magazine.]

1. This number was quoted in the British daily Manchester Guardian of 20 March 1929. The colonial administration and the settler press claimed that 27 were killed and 24 wounded.